The History of Women in Band
This article is adapted from: Chase Hawkins, S. “Female Band Directors’ Approaches To Student Leadership Development.” Dissertation, Augusta University, 2025.
For a copy of the dissertation, please visit https://samchasemusic.weebly.com/research.html or email the author at sam.chase@maasin.net.
The marching arts are (and have historically been) a bit of a “boys’ club.” Women are underrepresented in Band, not only on the podium, but also as composers, judges, educators, and performers. This underrepresentation is especially stark at the high school and collegiate levels. This disparity is a result of the history of discrimination in the American Band scene, not the inability of women to be successful in music, as “…the basic problem of women in music is one of history and culture, not of musical ineptitude.” While strides have certainly been made toward gender equality in instrumental music, we still have a way to go. This Women’s History Month, I would like to examine the factors contributing to this inequality, as understanding them can help us dismantle them. While instrumental music had a place in American culture since its inception, we will begin our examination in the 1800s, as instrumental music made its way from the military scene into public education.
18th Century
The progress of American women in music has paralleled that of women in American society. Prior to the 1800s, society deemed music performance “unladylike” and was not considered a viable career, even for women who learned and performed instrumental music at home. This restriction was stronger for upper-class women, as instrumental music playing was associated with lower-class women and prostitutes due to the church’s influence on classical music and Puritan attitudes that migrated from Europe to America. This restriction was especially strong for instruments considered unfeminine or inappropriate due to their shape or the required playing position, such as the cello, which requires the performer to put the instrument between their knees, instruments that could be seen as “phallic” in shape, or wind instruments that obstruct or contort the performer’s face.
In addition, formal music education was primarily available only to wealthy women. This started to change in the mid-18th century as singing schools gained popularity as “coeducational efforts to improve congregational singing.” However, even though women now had an avenue for music education outside the home, and certain instruments, such as the piano, had gained popularity among women, most wind instruments were still viewed as inappropriate and too physically strenuous for women to play. The flute was the first wind instrument considered acceptable for women to play because it did not obstruct or distort the performer’s face and was, therefore, considered more elegant. Despite this progress, many wind instruments, and especially brass instruments, remained largely off-limits to women.
19th Century
When women began gaining traction as music performers in the mid- to late-1800s, they were typically limited to the role of vocalist and were often paid less than their male counterparts. This type of inequality was especially prevalent for women who played nontraditional instruments, such as brass instruments. Outside of performance, while private teaching became an acceptable occupation for women, American society viewed group music instruction as inappropriate and ill-suited to women, especially as they grew older and began to fulfill their societal expectations of becoming wives and mothers. These societal expectations have carried over into the experiences of female band directors today, as many women are discouraged from pursuing high school band jobs in part because of the conflict between the high time commitment of the job and the societal expectations placed on mothers.
Early 20th Century
Prior to the late 19th century, the only way to get a formal education as a band director was through the military, effectively blocking women from entering the profession, as they were also excluded from military service. However, this began to change, as higher education programs in music, previously off-limits to women, began admitting women in the late 19th century, providing a formal avenue for studying music education. By 1900, music performance and teaching became major female occupations.
During WWI, women increased their presence in the American performance scene by substituting for men at war in professional ensembles. However, once the war ended, many men returned and reclaimed those positions, leading to the increased popularity of female-only ensembles, which gave women more avenues for performance. These ensembles were not entirely successful in this regard, as they often struggled with unbalanced instrumentation, with many of the tenor and bass voices missing. As a result, men were often paid to dress in women’s clothing and perform in these “female-only” ensembles to preserve the ensemble’s all-female appearance while balancing the instrumentation.
Women similarly substituted for male performers in military bands during WWII. Much like in the aftermath of WWI, women lost those performance positions when the war ended, and the soldiers returned home. However, rather than returning to the female-only ensembles that had been popular decades prior, women began to advocate heavily for their acceptance as professional musicians and performers. While this expanded the opportunities for female performers, it reduced the opportunities for female conductors, as the disbanding of female-only ensembles reduced the number of conducting positions open to women, since it was still considered inappropriate or impossible for women to conduct an ensemble with male membership, as, if a woman is fulfilling her societal duty of being pretty, she will make for a poor ensemble leader, as the male performers will likely be distracted by her appearance while she is on the podium, and therefore have a lower quality of performance.
While it would be hoped that this way of thinking is an outdated relic of the past, it is alive and well in American culture. It is the same reasoning behind why female students are sent home for dress code violations that might “distract” male students. This issue continues to plague women on the podium beyond their school years, as women’s bodies are more likely to be considered in relation to their conducting ability than men’s, devaluing their work and increasing their marginalization within instrumental music.
Gould (2004) stated that female band directors are “gendered, raced, and sexualized” in ways that male band directors are not. Female conductors’ appearance on the podium is often scrutinized more so than that of male conductors. Female band directors are also much more likely to experience sexual objectification based on their appearance.
Mid 20th Century
The number of female instrumental performers and conductors continued to increase steadily in the mid-20th Century. However, these female musicians encountered discrimination in hiring and acceptance into higher-education conducting programs. Even when education programs openly acknowledged the high skill of female applicants, they sometimes rejected female candidates due to the perception that they would not have a viable career in conducting because of their gender. While the number of female instrumental performers increased overall, women often held lower-paid performance positions than men and rarely won high-ranking positions within professional orchestras unless auditions were blind. This, again, is a persistent issue for women seeking employment in instrumental conducting, as many report feeling they must outperform their male peers to earn the same opportunities and respect.
In the early 20th century, women began playing a wider variety of instruments, including more band instruments, but they were often not considered for band jobs. Schools began hiring male music supervisors to establish instrumental music programs, while female music educators primarily taught general and vocal music. This was due, in part, to the requirements of the job, which included the ability to play and teach instruments that were still considered taboo for women. In addition, these school band programs were modeled after military, community, and collegiate bands that were still male-only. Modeling school bands on bands with a history of excluding women helped establish instrumental music education as a male-dominated field.
Marching bands continued to exclude women in the 20th century on the premise that women could not physically or mentally meet the requirements of a marching band and that their smaller stature would disrupt the ensemble’s uniform look. However, with the drastic change in the social landscape that occurred as a result of America’s entry into WWII, it became necessary for women to fill in for men in military and college bands who were off at war. As the U.S. military began forming all-female units for the war, all-female military bands were established to support those units. Due to the large number of men drafted into the military, women were similarly allowed to stand in for men in college bands whose membership was affected. Once again, this progress was only temporary: after the war, many of these all-female military bands were disbanded, and the prevailing attitude was that, once men could fulfill those roles, female performers were no longer needed.
After WWII, college bands resumed excluding women. The practice of formally excluding women from marching bands did not end until the passage of Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972. While they were technically now allowed to participate, women in marching bands were often met with open hostility and exclusion and were often limited to non-instrumental positions, such as majorette, color guard, or dancers.
While instrument choice is far less restricted in the 21st century, gendered stereotypes associated with instruments still lead children to identify some instruments as “masculine” and others as “feminine.” As girls are discouraged from picking “masculine” instruments, their music education opportunities become limited, as many of the instruments stereotyped as “feminine,” like woodwinds, are excluded or restricted in ensembles like jazz bands and drum corps. This contributes to the aforementioned underrepresentation of women in instrumental conducting, as it widens the experience gap between female instrumentalists and their male peers. This makes it harder for women to enter the Band profession, as administrators may expect or prefer applicants to have jazz or drum corps experience.
Considerations for Musical Organizations
One of the contributing factors perpetuating the paucity of women in the marching arts is underrepresentation. The underrepresentation of female performers can be directly connected to the underrepresentation of women in instructional staff, show design, and repertoire. When female composers are programmed, it is often for themed “diversity” or female-composer-only concerts, limiting their inclusion to mere tokenism rather than equal value or inclusion. The absence of music created by female composers, performers, and conductors in the marching arts perpetuates the idea within the hidden curriculum that this activity is still only for men and therefore contributes to gender-based stereotypes in instrumental music. Those in positions of power within the marching arts need to examine their staffing and design choices to ensure equitable representation within their organizations without resorting to tokenism.
In addition, the climate in the marching arts remains one that is unsafe for women. While many corps have made efforts to prioritize and protect member safety, the issue runs deeper than policies. Women in instrumental music face gender bias and disrespect from their peers, superiors, and audience members. This manifests in several ways, from microaggressions, such as second-class citizenship, restrictive gender roles, and sexist language, to outright harassment, such as sexual harassment and verbal abuse. These acts of discrimination and harassment are often denied, ignored, overlooked, or downplayed by male colleagues and supervisors.
Women in instrumental music, especially in male-dominated areas such as the marching arts, also face difficulties reconciling their social identities as women with their musical or professional identities. As a result, many women in Band either try or at least feel expected to adopt a masculine persona. In trying to conform to masculine stereotypes in Band, female musicians may inadvertently engage in internalized sexism by rejecting any trait or behavior they believe to be feminine, or that falls outside of this masculine stereotyped persona.
As someone who marched both low brass and percussion, I personally allowed and even participated in inappropriate or sexist behaviors or speech when I was younger in an effort to fit in with my all-male section. I felt like I had to be “one of the boys” to be accepted, and the only way to be “one of the boys” was to reject my feminine identities. Organizations must ensure that these behaviors and attitudes do not have the ground to take root in their programs, or else the presence of female performers and staff will be limited to those who endure out of spite.
Parting Thoughts
Regarding the gendered experiences of American women in classical music, Macleod (1993) stated that:
Gendered perceptions of musical instruments created a paradox for middle and upper-class white women [of the early and mid-20th century]. On the one hand, they were expected to be proficient in music, the “language of emotions”; on the other hand this proficiency was unquestioningly accepted only when women stayed within the bounds of what was traditionally female. A woman could play an instrument, but only if she looked attractive; she could play in an orchestra or conduct, but it was best if the organization consisted only of women. She could be an educator but rarely hold a supervisory position. She could march on the playing field, but preferably as a decorative object rather than a musical performer. (p. 303)
In short, American Band culture has not allowed female instrumentalists to forget their status as women, making both their historical and contemporary experiences inherently gendered.
As such, instrumental music remains a “boys’ club.” The expansion of women’s presence and acceptance in instrumental music has been incremental, and the battle for equal representation and opportunity is still in full swing. While I have included a call to action for professional and educational organizations, I would like to end with a message to the women in this space themselves. With every step onto that field and into the male-dominated spaces of Band and drum corps, we provide the next generation of girls with the representation we may not have had ourselves. We send a message that we belong here, not just as tokens or in specific, stereotyped roles; that we belong here as percussionists, as tuba players, as leaders, as conductors, and in every way that the men belong here. With every step, we help change the world of instrumental music, and so, for the rest of the women in these spaces, I encourage you to march on.
Sam Chase
MAASIN Member
Bibliography
Atterbury, B. W. “Old Prejudices, New Perceptions.” Music Educators Journal 78, no. 7 (1992): 25-27.
Brimhall, K. D. “Issues Facing Female Band Directors At The High School And College Levels: A Review Of Literature.” Update: Applications of Research in Music Education 41, no. 2 (2023): 20–27. https://doi.org/10.1177/87551233211068391
Coen-Mishlan, K. “Gender Discrimination In The Band World: A Case Study Of Three Female Band Directors.” Excellence in Performing Arts Research 2 (2015). https://doi.org/10.21038/epar.2014.0104
Cox, T. “The Impact Of Gender On The Instrumental Music Experiences Of Female High School Band Directors.” Dissertation, Florida Atlantic University, 2020.
Ferguson, M. P. “The First Women Instrumentalists In The Penn State Marching Blue Band After The Enactment Of Title IX.” Visions of Research in Music Education 36 (2020): 1–24.
Fischer-Croneis, S. H. “Career Intentions And Experiences Of Pre- And In-Service Female Band Teachers.” Journal of Research in Music Education 64, no. 2 (2016): 179-201. Doi: 10.1177/0022429416650167
Gathen, K. “Gender Bias And Music Education.” Dissertation, University of Delaware, 2014.
Gould, E. S. “Identification And Application Of The Concept Of Role Model: Perceptions Of Women College Band Directors.” Update: Applications of Research in Music Education 20, no. 1 (2001): 14-18. https://doi.org/10.1177/875512330102000104
Gould, E. S. “Cultural Contexts Of Exclusion: Women College Band Directors.” Research and Issues in Music Education 1, no. 1 (2003). http://www.stthomas.edu/rimeonline/vol 1/gould.htm
Gould, E. S. “Feminist Theory In Music Education Research: Grrl-Illa Games As Nomadic Practice (Or How Music Education Fell From Grace).” Music Education Research 6, no. 1 (2004): 67–79. https://doi.org/10.1080/1461380032000182849
Green, L. “Exposing The Gendered Discourse Of Music Education.” Feminism and Psychology 12, no. 2 (2002): 137-144.
Hinely, M.B. “The Uphill Climb Of Women In American Music: Performers And Teachers.” Music Educators Journal 70, no. 8 (1984a): 31-35.
Hinely, M. B. “The Uphill Climb Of Women In American Music: Conductors And Composers.” Music Educators Journal 70, no. 9 (1984b): 42-45.
Jackson, C. A. “The Relationship Between The Imbalance Of Numbers Of Women And Men College Band Conductors And The Various Issues That Influence The Career Aspirations Of Women Instrumental Musicians.” Dissertation, Michigan State University, 1996.
Johnson, L. M. “Gender-Specific Mentorship For Collegiate Female Band Directors.” Master’s Thesis, Old Dominion University, 2020. DOI: 10.25777/fe18-tj24 https://digitalcommons.odu.edu/music_etds/1
Jones, S. K. “Marching Barbies: Influences Of Gender Bias In Three Female High School Band Teachers.” Master’s thesis, Michigan State University, 2010. Proquest (1485626).
Keeton-Howard, E., & Wagner, M. Women in Wind Band. GIA Publications, Inc., 2024.
Koza, J. E. “Music Instruction In The Nineteenth Century: Views From “Godey’s Lady’s Book.” 1830-77.” Journal of Research in Music Education 38, no. 4 (1990): 245-257.
Lawrence, R. M. “Reflections Of Female Band Directors: The Perceived Effect Of Sex, Gender, And Race On Career Experiences And Professional Practices.” Masters Theses, James Madison University, 2020.
Lawson, K. “Women Conductors: Credibility In A Male-Dominated Profession.” In The Musical Woman: An International Perspective Vol. 3, 1986-1990, edited by J.L. Zaimont, J. Gottlieb, J. Polk, & M.J. Rogan. Greenwood, CT: Greenwood Press, 1991.
Macleod, B. A. ““Whence Comes The Lady Tympanist?” Gender And Instrumental Musicians In America, 1853-1990.” Journal of Social History 27, no. 2 (1993): 291–308.
McKeage, K. M. “Gender And Participation In High School And College Instrumental Jazz Ensembles.” Journal of Research in Music Education 52, no. 4 (2004). https://doi.org/10.2307/3345387
Moore, D. L. “The Chocolate Maestra: A Narrative Inquiry Into The Lived Experiences Of Black Female Band Directors.” Dissertation, Florida State University, 2022.
Pucciani, D. “Sexism In Music Education: Survey Of The Literature, 1972-1982.” Music Educators Journal 70, no. 1 (1983): 49-73.
Sears, C. A. Q. “Paving Their Own Way: Experiences Of Female High School Band Directors.” Dissertation, Columbia University, 2010. ProQuest (3424962).
Sears, C. “Put Your Big Girl Panties On:” A Female High School Band Director’s Career In A Culture Of Masculinity. In B. T. (Ed.), Marginalized Voices In Music Education, edited by B. T. Routledge, 2018
Shaker, S. “Paucity Of Female College Band Directors As Faculty And Conductors At National Conferences In The United States, 2017-2018.” Dissertation, Arizona State University, 2020.
Shouldice, H. N. “Female And Feminine-Presenting Band Directors’ Experiences With Gender Microaggressions In The United States.” Research Studies in Music Education 46, no. 2 (2023): 285-301. https://doi.org/10.1177/1321103X231205809
Shouldice, H. N., and Eastridge, J. L. “A Comparison of Virginia Band Performance Assessments in Relation to Director Gender.” Journal of Research in Music Education 68, no. 2 (2020): 125–137. https://doi.org/10.1177/002242942092213
Sullivan, J. M. “A History of the Marine Corps Women’s Reserve Band.” Journal of Band Research 42, no. 1 (2006): 1–41.
Sullivan, J. M. “A Century of Women’s Bands in America.” Music Educators Journal 95, no. 1 (2008): 33–40. https://doi.org/10.1177/0027432108321314
Tick, J. “Women As Professional Musicians In The United States.” Anuario Interamericano de Investigación Musical 9 (1973): 95-133.
Webb, M. M. "The Rest Is Lagniappe”: The Female Secondary Band Director Experience In Louisiana.” Master’s thesis, Louisiana State University, 2021.
Williams, K. F. “Counterspaces In Band Programs: Experiences Of African American Female Band Directors At The Secondary Level.” Dissertation, Boston University, 2021.
Wooten, R. “Women Of Color In The Conducting Profession: Where Are They?” Black History Bulletin 80, no. 1 (2017): 15–24. https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.5323/blachistbull.80.1.0015
Endnotes
1. Brimhall, 2023; Coen-Mishlan, 2015; Cox, 2020; Fischer-Croneis, 2016; Jones, 2010
2. Keeton-Howard & Wagner, 2024
3. Gould, 2001; Moore, 2022; Sears, 2018; Shouldice & Eastridge, 2020
4. Hinley, 1984a, p. 31
5. Ibid.
6. Jones, 2010
7. Hinley, 1984a
8. Johnson, 2020; Jones, 2010; Macleod, 1993; Tick, 1973
9. Brimhall, 2023
10. Hinley, 1984a, p. 32
11. Hinely, 1984a; Johnson, 2020; Tick, 1973
12. Macleod, 1993; Tick, 1973
13. Hinley, 1984a
14. Ibid.
15. Jones, 2010
16. Koza, 1990
17. Coen-Mishlan, 2015; Fischer-Croneis, 2016; Sears, 2018; Webb, 2021; Wooten, 2017
18. Jackson, 1996; Keeton-Howard & Wagner, 2024; Shaker, 2020; Webb, 2021
19. Lawson, 1991
20. Tick, 1973
21. Hinley, 1984a
22. Hinley, 1984a; Lawson, 1991; Macleod, 1993
23. Hinley, 1984a
24. Ferguson, 2020; Lawson, 1991
25. Hinley, 1984a
26. Hinley, 1984b; Keeton-Howard & Wagner, 2024
27. Lawrence, 2020; Shouldice, 2023
28. Keeton-Howard & Wagner, 2024; Lawson, 1991
29. Shouldice, 2023
30. Lawson, 1991
31. Ibid.
32. Hinley, 1984a; Lawson, 1991
33. Coen-Mishlan, 2015; Keeton-Howard & Wagner, 2024; Lawrence, 2020; Sears, 2018; Shouldice, 2023
34. Brimhall, 2023
35. Macleod, 1993
36. Jones, 2010; Sears, 2010
37. Johnson, 2020
38. Gould, 2003; Macleod, 1993
39. Ferguson, 2020; Sullivan, 2006; Sullivan, 2008
40. Sullivan, 2008
41. Ferguson, 2020; Sullivan, 2008
42. Sullivan, 2006; Sullivan, 2008
43. Ferguson, 2020
44. Gould, 2003; Sullivan, 2008
45. Ferguson, 2020
46. Macleod, 1993
47. Gathen, 2014; Johnson, 2020
48. Cox, 2020; Keeton-Howard & Wagner, 2024; McKeage, 2004
49. Keeton-Howard & Wagner, 2024
50. Atterbury, 1992; Green, 2002; Hinley, 1984b; Pucciani, 1983; Sears, 2018; Williams, 2021
51. Coen-Mishlan, 2015; Jones, 2010; Keeton-Howard & Wagner, 2024; Shouldice, 2023; Williams, 2021
52. Shouldice, 2023
53. Sears, 2018
54. Shouldice, 2023
55. Jones, 2010; Johnson, 2020; Lawson, 1991
56. Cox, 2020; Keeton-Howard & Wagner, 2024; Shouldice, 2023; Williams, 2021
57. Cox, 2020; Keeton-Howard & Wagner, 2024; Sears, 2010; Williams, 2021
58. Coen-Mishlan, 2015; Hinley, 1984b; Lawrence, 2020